Urban Density

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GUEST OBSERVER
Stay-at-home orders have meant many people are happy to live in dispersed suburbs with free-standing, single-family homes. Quarantine feels less daunting with a backyard, plenty of storage space to stockpile supplies, and a big living room for morning stretches. Before the crisis, though, Australia was slowly moving toward urban density.
<a href="https://www.domain.com.au/news/highend-melbourne-apartment-developments-offer-amenities-fit-for-a-mansion-20170406-gvefx2/" target="_blank">More apartments with communal amenities</a>, rather than privatised space, were being built, creating less dependence on driving. It is easy to think these urbanites are now glumly looking out their windows towards the more spacious suburbs, wishing they had made different choices. Yet, despite the impacts of restrictions, Australia’s future is in urban density and not the suburban sprawl of the past.
<h2>The benefits of density done well</h2>
Before the world changed and Australians were ushered inside en masse, the country was making great strides toward creating more compact, walkable cities. Denser neighbourhoods provided multiple benefits:
<ul>
<li>
better access to transport alternatives to cars
</li>
<li>
the creation of vibrant commercial districts
</li>
<li>
increased ability to house more people during affordability and homelessness crises.
</li>
</ul>
Nationally, we were building almost as many apartment units as single family homes. In cities like Melbourne and Sydney, <a href="https://blogs.unsw.edu.au/cityfutures/blog/2016/07/apartment-construction-boom-is-this-the-end-of-the-dream/" target="_blank">apartment construction even surpassed stand-alone houses</a> despite <a href="https://theconversation.com/life-in-a-windowless-box-the-vertical-slums-of-melbourne-41181" target="_blank">lax quality regulations</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/lack-of-information-on-apartment-defects-leaves-whole-market-on-shaky-footings-127007" target="_blank">design and construction flaws</a>.
Density was achieved not just through towers for <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/business/chinese-investors-are-pushing-into-melbourne-and-sydney-20141010-113q7x" target="_blank">Asian investors in CBDs</a>, but more subtle alterations such as townhouses and small blocks of flats. Residents moving into these neighbourhoods affirmed a sense of environmental consciousness, based on driving less, but also the belief in tight-knit communities with small businesses, parks and thriving street life.
Beware the siren call of suburbia
With the onset of COVID-19, it seems Australia’s new-found love of city living might be over, reverting to the suburban norm. The suburbs always offered a sense of safety, now more than ever.
Yet much of this is illusory. People still have to go shopping and, in many cases, to work, where they could be exposed to the virus. People have just as much control over their physical space in an apartment as in a house. (The exception is the lifts, but distancing measures and gloves can easily reduce risk.)
Australians may be tempted to re-embrace suburbia out of nostalgia for pre-virus safety, but they should remember what brought them to cities in the first place. As the architect Robin Boyd <a href="https://books.google.com.au/books?id=RDxR8Xu9WLIC&amp;pg=PA100&amp;dq=stealthy+crawl+like+dry+rot+eating&amp;hl=en&amp;sa=X&amp;ved=0ahUKEwij9u_Mna3pAhV4yzgGHZqECt8Q6AEIJzAA#v=onepage&amp;q=stealthy%20crawl%20like%20dry%20rot%20eating&amp;f=false" target="_blank">bemoaned</a> way back in his 1960 critique of suburbanisation, The Australian Ugliness:
<blockquote>
… the suburbs’ stealthy crawl like dry rot eating into the forest edge.
</blockquote>
With 60 years of government policy <a href="https://theconversation.com/50-years-on-from-the-melbourne-transportation-plan-what-can-we-learn-from-its-legacy-127721" target="_blank">propping up sprawl through freeway construction</a> and tax breaks like negative gearing, it continues to be its own kind of infection scarring the landscape.
<h2>Don’t blame public health failures on density</h2>
Despite re-animated fears of living closer together, many countries that have <a href="https://www.domain.com.au/news/high-density-living-should-not-be-feared-despite-the-spread-of-covid-19-945758/" target="_blank">successfully contained</a> the coronavirus have some of the <a href="http://www.citymayors.com/statistics/largest-cities-density-125" target="_blank">most densely populated cities</a> in the world. These cities include <a href="https://www.nationalgeographic.com/science/2020/05/how-south-korea-prevented-coronavirus-disaster-why-battle-is-not-over/" target="_blank">Seoul</a>, <a href="https://www.wsj.com/articles/hong-kong-plans-bounce-back-after-two-weeks-with-no-local-coronavirus-cases-11588611222" target="_blank">Hong Kong</a> and <a href="https://www.propertyobserver.com.au/https://www.aa.com.tr/en/asia-pacific/-taiwan-s-sars-experience-helped-it-beat-covid-19-/1830547" target="_blank">Taipei</a>. They have done this not by separating people but by increasing testing and contact tracing.
What is needed during a pandemic is not panic but effective public health. Prosperous, well-managed city governments are often best placed to offer these services to the community.
Negative examples like the United States, where the Trump administration has devolved responsibilities to states and cities, provide even more proof of why cities have to be at the forefront of public health campaigns, whether or not they choose that role voluntarily. The same could be said of Australia, where state governments in <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/national/scott-morrison-has-a-good-story-to-tell-but-the-world-isn-t-listening-20200424-p54mt3" target="_blank">Victoria and New South Wales took the lead</a> on restricting gatherings as the national government dithered.
Now, more than ever, we are appreciating urban life from afar: making lists of our favourite restaurants, changing our Zoom background during “virtual happy hour” to the interior of our local pub, and yearning for social connections that have migrated online.
We should listen to our desires and use this moment to double down on urban density when the crisis subsides, by funding mass transit and providing incentives to construct apartments rather than free-standing suburban homes.
Low-density living is less sustainable, less affordable and less fun. We should all remember that, despite currently having to keep our distance from one another.
<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/max-holleran-548740" target="_blank">Max Holleran</a>, Lecturer in Sociology, University of Melbourne, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-melbourne-722" target="_blank">University of Melbourne</a>
This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com" target="_blank">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-coronavirus-must-not-stop-australia-creating-denser-cities-137487" target="_blank">original article</a>.
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j.ballantyne1990-6AQqhLzZaK

Why coronavirus must not stop Australia creating denser cities

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GUEST OBSERVATION
The idea that we should decentralise our population has come up many times in Australia. Recently, the National Farmers’ Federation president pushed the notion, calling for a shift to the regions. And the premise is this: city living is unpleasant. Roads are jammed, housing is expensive and it’s all so much nicer out in the country. We need to “spread out”.
We reject this conclusion. Regional centres certainly must play a role in accommodating our population growth, but for now it’ll be a modest role.
The more immediate need is to focus on improving conditions in our major cities. Our smaller towns matter, but we can’t neglect the urgent need to get better at doing the bigger ones right.
Our cities <a href="https://www.infrastructurevictoria.com.au/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Growing-Victorias-Potential-April-2019.pdf" target="_blank">are growing very rapidly</a>. The fastest growth is in Melbourne, which <a href="https://www.propertyobserver.com.au/https://www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/abs@.nsf/mf/3218.0" target="_blank">added 119,400 residents in 2017-18</a>. That’s nearly as many extra people as the <a href="https://www.propertyobserver.com.au/https://quickstats.censusdata.abs.gov.au/census_services/getproduct/census/2016/quickstat/701?opendocument" target="_blank">entire population of Darwin</a> in a single year. This rapid growth doesn’t need to mean more traffic, ugliness or stratospheric housing prices and rents – if we confront a difficult truth.
A dirty word in Australia
The truth is we’re just really ordinary at <a href="https://theconversation.com/urban-density-matters-but-what-does-it-mean-58977" target="_blank">urban density</a>. It’s so poorly executed in Australian cities that it has become a dirty word in local politics.
Urban density targets remain low in planning policies for many states. It’s often set at around <a href="https://cur.org.au/project/national-liveability-report/" target="_blank">15 dwellings per hectare</a>. In practice, <a href="https://cur.org.au/project/national-liveability-report/" target="_blank">even lower density is delivered</a>.
Australians tend to think of density as living in high-rise tiny apartments. Drop the “d-word” at your local pub and see how the term “shoebox” or “vertical slum” quickly follows.
The irony is that the very thing that makes a getaway to central Paris or Barcelona so attractive is what many Australian city residents revile at home. The places we visit and admire are really quite dense.
Our estimates based on <a href="https://unstats.un.org/unsd/demographic-social/products/dyb/dybsets/2015.pdf" target="_blank">UN figures</a> suggest Paris averages around 213 people per hectare and Barcelona 156. (By contrast, Melbourne averages <a href="https://cur.org.au/project/national-liveability-report/" target="_blank">38 people per hectare and Sydney around 50</a>.)
It’s higher-density living that makes their streets and public spaces buzz. But, importantly, this density is achieved through a combination of well-designed mid-rise apartments (roughly six storeys) close to shops, services and public transport. This gives residents the best of both worlds: cities that are <a href="https://theconversation.com/this-is-what-our-cities-need-to-do-to-be-truly-liveable-for-all-83967" target="_blank">liveable</a> and <a href="https://insidestory.org.au/density-has-to-be-likeable/" target="_blank">likeable</a>.
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/315192/original/file-20200213-10980-7qrqy2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=1000&amp;fit=clip"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/315192/original/file-20200213-10980-7qrqy2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" alt=""></a>
A Barcelona streetscape with bike racks: a picture of high-density liveability. <a class="source" href="https://www.propertyobserver.com.au/https://www.flickr.com/photos/walkingsf/18601748360" target="_blank">Eric Fischer/Flickr</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" target="_blank">CC BY</a>
A failure of planning
Past failed experiments in density have made it difficult to replicate overseas examples locally. The great Australian dream of owning a quarter-acre block and the stigma around density persist with reason. In Melbourne, for example, rapid high-rise development in the last decade has delivered large numbers of very small apartments, in some cases of <a href="https://www.theage.com.au/national/victoria/melbournes-highrises-riddled-with-bad-apartments-20140613-zs7c9" target="_blank">poor quality and lacking natural light and ventilation</a>.
Very modest investment in public transport makes things worse, as new residents try to cram onto <a href="http://theconversation.com/crowded-trains-planning-focus-on-cars-misses-new-apartment-impacts-116514" target="_blank">services that haven’t kept pace with growth</a>. <a href="https://theconversation.com/of-all-the-problems-our-cities-need-to-fix-lack-of-car-parking-isnt-one-of-them-116179" target="_blank">Car parking</a>, however, is usually mandated. These planning rules mean the price of new apartments includes the expense of multiple floors of parking, and streetscapes are peppered with vehicle crossover ramps.
Without adequate public transport, roads fill with cars, stoking resident opposition to further infill development. The roads and parking these cars need occupy valuable space, which could be better used for <a href="https://theconversation.com/higher-density-cities-need-greening-to-stay-healthy-and-liveable-75840" target="_blank">trees and urban greening</a>. Green space is <a href="https://www.propertyobserver.com.au/https://www.abc.net.au/news/2020-02-13/climate-warning-over-heat-island-effect-as-city-greenery-decline/11923890" target="_blank">often overlooked</a> in the haste to accommodate rapid population growth, yet it’s <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S1353829218307780" target="_blank">essential for community health and well-being</a> and for reducing urban heat island effects.
Handling population growth doesn’t require us to move to Tamworth or Toowoomba, but it will require some really important changes in our urban development priorities. There has to be a much stronger focus on quality and aesthetics to <a href="https://theconversation.com/to-cut-urban-sprawl-we-need-quality-infill-housing-displays-to-win-over-the-public-63930" target="_blank">win back public support for infill development</a>. It’s also going to take commitment to lift density targets in key planning policies.
Plan Melbourne’s 2017 <a href="/news">refresh</a>, for instance, has moved to a goal of “over 20 dwellings per hectare”. It follows the recommendations of <a href="https://ijbnpa.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/s12966-017-0621-9" target="_blank">research</a> in allowing higher densities in high-activity areas such as activity or town centres. However, it will take time to implement this change in existing and new areas across the city.
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/315198/original/file-20200213-11040-vmlu5l.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=1000&amp;fit=clip"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/315198/original/file-20200213-11040-vmlu5l.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=237&amp;fit=clip" alt=""></a>
Reducing car-dominated spaces creates more people-friendly places, as shown here in Basel, Switzerland. <a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/dylanpassmore/10577659514/in/photolist-h7HgDU-vwaxHG-8eHXd1-8eJaxE-8eJ4gb-8eEDP6-8eENjM-vwGYZV-28P7D7q-XtaXGf-a7eeoe-8eERHV-8eJ9V1-9hpDid-8eEPh6-8eEHNF-8eJ9n7-bmgZKq-gs94sU-8eJa3C-a4JC3B-8eEMZv-8eJaoo-oiA3Bo-8eHVt1-8nGm2j-8eJ88y-8eJ98U-8eHVY1-h8b49R-a7edx2-Ywzi4B-8eJaDs-8eJ9eG-8eEEGr-bzc3F2-cw3c4f-8eENC8-8eEQwF-8eJ6Rf-a4JBSM-bmh1kA-8eJ5Ty-a7efHi-8eHSJS-a8Umxw-8KLwbc-bzbS9H-bmguBb-Jgn8Xr" target="_blank">Dylan Passmore/Flickr</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/" target="_blank">CC BY-NC</a>
Density must be complemented by suitable streetscapes and infrastructure. This will require a significant rethink of the role of the car in urban areas, greater investment in public transport, and a reallocation of large areas of streetscape space to greenery and pedestrians.
That’s a big ask, but it’s worth it, because density really doesn’t have to mean “dogbox”.
Dutch show change is possible
Take a (<a href="https://www.google.com/maps/@53.2231784,6.5600609,3a,75y,254.66h,91.32t/data=!3m6!1e1!3m4!1sshMD7V4VHGDn4q1zEu_CpA!2e0!7i13312!8i6656" target="_blank">digital</a>) walk around a <a href="https://theconversation.com/designing-the-compassionate-city-to-overcome-built-in-biases-and-help-us-live-better-92726" target="_blank">woonerf</a> neighbourhood in the Netherlands and you’ll notice on-street parking is scant, the speed limit is around 15km/h and plentiful road space is allocated to tree planting and garden beds. Kids play in the street under the watchful eye of long-term locals. You don’t notice the dense apartments around you because there are trees in the way and there’s a lot to see at ground level.
<img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/314169/original/file-20200207-27552-pm194k.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" alt="">
A woonerf (Dutch for ‘living area’) in Amsterdam. We estimate this area has a residential density of over 100 dwellings per hectare. Thami Croeser
Remarkably, it was only <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2015/may/05/amsterdam-bicycle-capital-world-transport-cycling-kindermoord" target="_blank">in the 1970s</a> that the Dutch started to move away from car-oriented planning to deliver this kind of urban design, which puts people and place first. With courageous policy change, we could have this in Australia too.<img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/131304/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important; text-shadow: none !important;">
<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/thami-croeser-729067" target="_blank">Thami Croeser</a>, Research Officer, Centre for Urban Research, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/rmit-university-1063" target="_blank">RMIT University</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/lucy-gunn-146721" target="_blank">Lucy Gunn</a>, Research Fellow, Healthy Liveable Cities Group, Centre for Urban Research, RMIT University, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/rmit-university-1063" target="_blank">RMIT University</a>
This article is republished from <a href="http://theconversation.com" target="_blank">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/no-need-to-give-up-on-crowded-cities-we-can-make-density-so-much-better-131304" target="_blank">original article</a>.
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No need to give up on crowded cities, we can make density so much better

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GUEST OBSERVATION
Australia was already <a href="https://www.propertyobserver.com.au/https://www.jstor.org/stable/44609144?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents" target="_blank">one of the most urbanised nations</a> by the end of the 19th century. Unlike European and North American countries, Australia’s pattern of settlement did not have a neat urban hierarchy. The gap between the large and small towns was huge.
These patterns have intensified in the decades since federation, especially after the second world war. International and internal <a href="https://www.propertyobserver.com.au/https://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/mf/3218.0" target="_blank">migration trends have driven rapid growth</a> in the big cities, especially Melbourne and Sydney. This has created major problems with providing adequate <a href="https://theconversation.com/housing-policy-reset-is-overdue-and-not-only-in-australia-112835" target="_blank">housing</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/congestion-busting-infrastructure-plays-catch-up-on-long-neglected-needs-114598" target="_blank">infrastructure</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/some-suburbs-are-being-short-changed-on-services-and-liveability-which-ones-and-whats-the-solution-83966" target="_blank">services</a>.
The fundamental issue is the reluctance of urban communities and their leaders to discuss what might be sustainable populations.
The folly of unlimited growth
No Australian city has a long-term vision showing how a future stabilised population might be supported with the essential resources of food, water and energy. No Australian city has faced up to the inevitable social tensions of <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-did-the-rich-man-say-to-the-poor-man-why-spatial-inequality-in-australia-is-no-joke-73841" target="_blank">increasing inequality</a> between a well-served inner-urban elite and an increasingly under-resourced urban fringe.
Leaders in cities that have not grown as rapidly, such as Adelaide, <a href="https://www.news.com.au/finance/economy/australian-economy/as-the-east-coast-struggles-with-population-numbers-south-australia-is-desperate-for-a-boost/news-story/5ebca065ebe3f975ed83827d2373db37" target="_blank">lament their failure to grow like Sydney and Melbourne</a>, despite all the associated problems. All implicitly believe unlimited growth is possible.
In reality, the expanding ecological footprints of the large cities have created unsustainable demands on land to support urban dwellers. And the wastes the cities produce are straining the capacity of the environment to handle these.
Given the many unpriced flow-on effects from dense urban growth and market-led development, governments are struggling to deal with the undesirable consequences. <a href="https://theconversation.com/australian-city-workers-average-commute-has-blown-out-to-66-minutes-a-day-how-does-yours-compare-120598" target="_blank">Congestion</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/walking-mightnt-be-good-for-you-if-its-through-australias-polluted-city-streets-88772" target="_blank">pollution</a> threaten to overwhelm the many social and economic benefits of urban life.
The growth and concentration of populations are also driving chronic excess demand for appropriate housing. The result is <a href="https://theconversation.com/affordable-housing-lessons-from-sydney-hong-kong-and-singapore-3-keys-to-getting-the-policy-mix-right-123443" target="_blank">serious affordability problems</a>, which are adding to inequality across society and generations.
In 1970, urban historian <a href="https://theaimn.com/book-review-ideas-for-australian-cities-by-hugh-stretton/" target="_blank">Hugh Stretton pointed</a> to the role of Australia’s widespread owner occupation in offsetting the inequalities generated in labour markets and by inherited wealth. This is no longer the case.
The dominant neoliberal economic ideology has resulted in a <a href="https://theconversation.com/australia-needs-to-reboot-affordable-housing-funding-not-scrap-it-72861" target="_blank">retreat from providing public housing</a>. Abandoning would-be home-owners to the market has produced a situation in which urban land and house ownership is <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-the-housing-boom-is-remaking-australias-social-class-structure-66976" target="_blank">reinforcing class-based inequalities</a>. Home ownership is increasingly the preserve of the affluent and their children.
Housing-related inequality is also seen in the geography of our cities. <a href="https://theconversation.com/city-by-city-analysis-shows-our-capitals-arent-liveable-for-many-residents-85676" target="_blank">Poorer households are priced out of locations with better access</a> to good jobs, schools, transport, health care and other services.
Failures of governance
Governments in Australia’s federation are poorly placed to respond adequately. <a href="https://theconversation.com/metropolitan-governance-is-the-missing-link-in-australias-reform-agenda-55872" target="_blank">Responsibilities and fiscal resources are divided</a>, creating obstacles to effective planning and infrastructure provision.
The main factor driving urban population growth is an unprecedented <a href="https://www.aph.gov.au/About_Parliament/Parliamentary_Departments/Parliamentary_Library/pubs/rp/rp1617/Quick_Guides/MigrationStatistics" target="_blank">rate of inward migration</a>. The national government <a href="https://immi.homeaffairs.gov.au/what-we-do/migration-program-planning-levels" target="_blank">sets large migration targets</a> as an easy way of creating economic growth. This leaves state governments with the impossible task of meeting the resulting demand for infrastructure.
Jane O’Sullivan <a href="/news">has shown</a> each extra urban citizen requires about A$250,000 of investment. The total sum is well beyond the capacity of state and local governments.
Arguments between federal and state governments are heavily politicised, especially when it comes to major transport investments. Even within single jurisdictions, complex demands and unexpected consequences prevent effective action. The <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-recycling-crisis-may-be-here-to-stay-112055" target="_blank">waste recycling crisis</a> is a prime example.
State governments must also deal with difficult trade-offs between, for example, allowing further <a href="https://theconversation.com/living-liveable-this-is-what-residents-have-to-say-about-life-on-the-urban-fringe-111339" target="_blank">development on the edges of cities</a> or <a href="https://theconversation.com/becoming-more-urban-attitudes-to-medium-density-living-are-changing-in-sydney-and-melbourne-84693" target="_blank">encouraging higher density in built-up areas</a>. This often involves <a href="https://theconversation.com/vested-interests-behind-city-shapers-often-subvert-higher-density-policies-74244" target="_blank">conflicts</a> with local governments and communities, concerned to protect their ways of life.
Australian planners and governments have long tinkered with <a href="https://theconversation.com/making-small-cities-bigger-will-help-better-distribute-australias-25-million-people-101180" target="_blank">policies to encourage decentralisation to smaller cities</a>. Despite these attempts, the dominant pattern of urbanisation with its seemingly intractable problems has hardened, a triumph of reality over rhetoric.
What needs to change?
To get beyond the rhetoric and make our cities more sustainably liveable requires a much more deliberate and interventionist role for government. It also requires residents of our cities and suburbs to be willing to allow their governments to interrupt business as usual.
This, we know from experience, is a big ask. It will step on the toes of the <a href="https://theconversation.com/housing-policy-is-captive-to-property-politics-so-dont-expect-politicians-to-tackle-affordability-55384" target="_blank">property lobby</a> and ordinary home owners. In some cases, for example, the short-term financial interests of property owners are leading local authorities to ignore scientific warnings about the impacts of climate change on coastal development.
Major changes are also needed in how urban land is taxed and the proceeds invested. “Simple” reforms like <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-way-australia-taxes-housing-is-manifestly-unfair-58421" target="_blank">replacing stamp duty on land transfer with a universal land tax</a>, as the <a href="http://www.taxreview.treasury.gov.au/content/Content.aspx?doc=html/home.htm" target="_blank">Henry Tax Review</a> recommended, will take political courage that has been absent to date.
More complex policies like finding ways of diverting population growth to non-metropolitan regions will take careful thought and experimentation. This might include relocating government agencies to provincial cities. This has been tried sporadically in the past at the <a href="https://www.propertyobserver.com.au/https://www.abc.net.au/news/2017-04-19/decentralisation-push-for-federal-government-departments/8453816" target="_blank">federal</a> level and in states such as <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2017/may/04/victorian-public-service-jobs-to-move-to-ballarat-and-latrobe-valley" target="_blank">Victoria</a> and <a href="https://psa.asn.au/wp-content/uploads/2013/01/NSW-Decentralisation-Taskforce-Report-April-2013-FINAL.pdf" target="_blank">New South Wales</a>. However, such cases tend to be one-offs and do not reflect an overall strategic plan.
Future generations will inevitably be critical of the complete failure of current leaders to plan for sustainable development.<img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/123916/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important; text-shadow: none !important;">
Mike Berry, Emeritus Professor, RMIT University.
Ian Lowe, Emeritus Professor, School of Science, Griffith University.
This article is republished from <a href="http://theconversation.com" target="_blank">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/no-australian-city-has-a-long-term-vision-for-living-sustainably-we-cant-go-on-like-this-123916" target="_blank">original article</a>.
This article is part of a series on rebalancing the human–nature interactions that are central to the study and practice of ecological economics, which is the focus of the 2019 ANZSEE Conference in Melbourne later this month.
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No Australian city has a long-term vision for living sustainably. We can’t go on like this

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New South Wales leads the nation in the march toward medium density living, being the only state in the country to experience growth in medium density approvals in the 12 months to March 2017.
That is one of the key findings of the new Bankwest Housing Density report which analysed approvals in medium density and low density housing over both the long and the short term.
Bankwest General Manager Broker Sales Stewart Saunders said growth in these areas highlighted the continued strong property demand in Australia’s most populous state and its capital city.
“The growth seen in Sydney and New South Wales shows the existence of a highly competitive property market there with price pressures creating continued opportunity for medium density housing in the city.
The report shows how New South Wales there was a 5.9% increase in the amount of approvals for medium density housing (apartments) over the year to March 2017.
Similarly, Sydney was the only capital city to register substantial growth in medium density approvals during the 12 months to March, with the number of approvals increasing by 11.6% during the period.
“The picture for the rest of the country was markedly different from what we saw in New South Wales.
While the march towards apartment style living continues what we have seen during the period of our survey is the biggest down turn in approvals for medium density housing for over four years,” Mr Saunders added.
Medium density approvals at a national level dropped by 6.5% in the 12 months to March to 110,471, down from 118,156 the previous year.
It appears this national decline was largely driven by declines at a state level in Queensland (down 25.6%), and Western Australia (down 27.1%).
<a href="https://www.propertyobserver.com.au/images/2017/08/16/Screen%20Shot%202017-08-16%20at%201.05.45%20pm.jpg" target="_blank">Click to enlarge</a>
<img src="https://res.cloudinary.com/dz9xllyip/image/fetch/c_scale,w_580,q_auto:good/https://s3-ap-southeast-2.amazonaws.com/po.images/2017/08/16/Screen%20Shot%202017-08-16%20at%201.05.45%20pm.jpg" alt="">
Mr Saunders said that while the report showed a general downturn over the 12 months to March 2017 there were pockets where there was notable growth.
“The analysis of the data has allowed us to produce a top ten of the Australia’s fastest growing areas for apartment-style living. Interestingly, the area of Cottesloe-Claremont in Perth came out on top.
“Over the 12 months to March this year over half [50.2%] of all housing approvals in that area were for medium density housing.
Looking a little closer at what’s happening at a local level it would appear the “Claremont on the Park” development, where there are plans to build some 750 apartments, is the reason for the slight anomaly,” he said.
Mr Saunders said the annual Housing Density Report is the latest in Bankwest’s ongoing series of insights on economic data, trends and issues of value to its customers, businesses, communities and policy makers.
“Bankwest is committed to helping customers and local businesses achieve what matters, contributing to the development of our communities and being a constructive voice in the debate on the future of the economy.”
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Sydney bucks national trend with increase in approvals for apartment developments: Bankwest 

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<img src="https://counter.theconversation.edu.au/content/57114/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1">
GUEST OBSERVER
In debates about urban density we often find comments about buildings being too tall or not tall enough, about too many people in a neighbourhood or too few, about streets and buildings being overcrowded or empty.
We are told that Melbourne is building at four times the density of Hong Kong, or that density is good and will make us happy. As these debates over density in Australian cities continue, what is most often missing is any clear understanding of what people mean when they use the word “density”.
Is it the volume or height of buildings? Or is it the numbers of people? One person’s high density may be another’s sprawl; the same tall building may be experienced as oppressive or exhilarating; a “good crowd” for one can be “overcrowded” for another. One is reminded of Humpty Dumpty’s logic in Through the Looking Glass:
"When I use a word it means just what I choose it to mean – neither more nor less."
What such debate most needs is greater density literacy. Density is a concept borrowed from physics where the meaning is clear – mass divided by volume. Yet when transferred to the city nothing is so simple.
<h2>Are we talking about buildings or people?</h2>
First, we need to clarify whether we are talking about concentrations of people or of buildings. If we take population densities first, these are generally measured as residents per hectare based on census data.
But we also need to distinguish between “internal” and “external” densities – the numbers of people in a room or apartment versus those in an urban precinct. If you look at new high-rise housing in the evening, you can find many apartments unoccupied. At the other extreme, internal crowding largely defines a slum. Building density does not mean population density. 
Population densities cannot be based on residents alone since the numbers of people in a given neighbourhood at a given time include those who work there or are visiting. In a mixed-use neighbourhood, residents may be a small proportion of the population density.
There are also population density rhythms as people move from place to place throughout the day and week. The same urban precinct can be densely populated during work hours and empty on weekends. Population density is not only the number of residents but fluctuates over time and with functional mix.
<h2>And how do you measure building density?</h2>
When we shift attention to building densities, we soon encounter some unavoidable jargon. The most common measure of building density is the “floor area ratio” (known variously as FAR, FSI, FSR and plot ratio) – the ratio of floor area to land area. This is the most widely used measure for limiting the bulk of development on any given plot.
However, it does not control the building height, “footprint” (the area occupied by the building) or “coverage” (the proportion of land covered by buildings). Thus it is quite possible to build high-rise low-density (with very low coverage or small footprints) or low-rise high-density (with high coverage or large footprints).
Most high-rise public housing from the 1960s and 70s is roughly the same FAR as the low-rise housing that was demolished to build it.
Building height is not a measure of density, although sometimes the two align. Confusions here abound; press reports regularly equate FAR with height control.
Another common measure of density is dwellings per hectare. This is often used as a means of assessing population and building densities at the same time. But it does neither, unless we know the size of dwellings and of households. Thus dwellings per hectare is a very blunt measure of density, although a useful proxy for comparing housing projects.
Then there is the distinction between gross and net densities. Urban planning controls are focused on the net density on a particular site. Yet such measures are of little use in understanding how cities work because they do not include the public space of streets and parks.
The gross density is always lower than net density and it is the one that matters in debates over urban density. While we might be packed in on a particular site, the street network of a car-based city tends to keep us apart. Net density is not an effective measure of urban density.
As we measure densities of people or buildings at larger scales, we also incorporate water bodies, freeways and unbuildable sites, so the average density diminishes. Where one draws the boundary is a crucial decision in measuring urban density, or in getting the answer one wants.
Even urbanists such as Paul Mees can be guilty of this when using broad metropolitan density measures to advocate for public transport at suburban densities. Elizabeth Farrelly, a vocal proponent of higher density, compares it to the thread-count of luxury sheets (her minimum is 1,000), yet her only measure for urban density is “dwellings per hectare” – whatever the scale, net or gross.
Here we encounter the politics of density literacy and return to the logic of Humpty Dumpty:
"The question is which is to be master – that’s all."
There is no single scale at which to measure urban density, but the larger the scale the lower the density. The best approach is to understand density as multi-scalar: for any location there is an internal density, a net density, a walkable density and a metropolitan density.
<h2>High density is no guarantee of urban buzz</h2>
Finally, there is the question of streetlife density – of people in public space, of crowds and crowding. Here the complexities multiply. While we can measure the outcomes in pedestrians per minute or per square metre, we are far from understanding the ways in which streetlife is geared to building and population densities.
These connections depend at least on numbers of jobs and visitors, functional mix, car dependency, access networks and walkability. Yet this is where density delivers its greatest benefits in social and economic encounters – what we often call the urban “buzz” or “intensity” – along with disbenefits such as congestion.
In Australian cities we have become quite good at generating high density without intensity. Think of car-dominated high-rise districts where few people use the street. Yet we also have good inner-city examples of intensity without high density.
For many people, density has become a negative word. Those who want more of it often use other words and phrases: the “compact city”, “urban intensification”, “transit-oriented development” and the “30-minute city”.
This can be useful language but the question of what it means remains. The challenge is to raise the standard of urban density literacy – not to make density mean one thing but, as Alice might put it, to understand the ways it is made to mean so many different things.
Kim Dovey, professor of Architecture and Urban Design, University of Melbourne and can be contacted <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/kim-dovey-107660" target="_blank">here</a>.
Elek Pafka research fellow, University of Melbourne and can be contacted <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/elek-pafka-128908" target="_blank">here</a>.
Both are authors for The Conversation.
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